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The meaning of populism
However, we can effectively distinguish the four main meanings of using this term. Russian populism is the most important one to talk about here, because it is closely related to Marx, Marxism and the debates in the Marxist movement. In an authoritative work (see "Bibliography" ⑥), venturi included all movements with populism as the title, and its scope was wider than that of later authoritative works (see "Bibliography" ⑥). The Russian populist movement was inspired by the thoughts of herzen and Chernyshevski, and its strategy came from the thoughts of Lavrov, bakunin and Tkachev. These were fully reflected in the movement of "going to the people" first, and then in the movement of "land and freedom" in 19 years. According to Ventulli, the terrorism of 19 "People's Party" movement in 1980s brought them to the peak. However, plekhanov and some authorities who followed him recently (such as Varski) believe that the People's Party is a denial of the essence of populism. Russian populism is still worthy of attention, because it is a broad trend of thought-a trend of thought with internal differences, which has an impact on revolutionary individuals and movements as well as non-revolutionary individuals and movements. Its central idea is to realize the development of non-capitalism, and it is believed that Russia can and should transcend the capitalist stage and build a socialist, egalitarian and democratic society by relying on the power of farmers' communes and small commodity production. It opposes large-scale production organization.
Marx's analysis of the development of capitalism had a great influence on the formation of Russian populism. Das Kapital 1 was translated into Russian by the populist Nikolai Danielson, and the populist intellectuals studied Marx and his masters seriously.
The works of the righteous. But unlike Marx himself, populists only interpret Marx's works as a devastating criticism of the development of capitalism and its alienation consequences, and think that capitalism is a social process of retrogression rather than progress. Russia can avoid experiencing capitalism, because there are peasant communes that can be used as a potential basis for building socialism (see Russian commune entry). Marx himself did not immediately deny this view. His reply to v chasulic on this issue (1881March 8) is proved by the preface of the Russian version of the * * * declaration. There, Marx admitted that if the Russian revolution will become "the signal of the western proletarian revolution", then the Russian commune may become the starting point of the development of communism. Lenin regarded populist ideology from the perspective of history and sociology as the resistance of small producers, especially farmers, to capitalism, because their status was damaged by the development of capitalism, but they wanted to destroy the feudal social system. Although Lenin attributed the characteristics of populist ideology to economic romanticism and a backward-looking bourgeois utopia, he opposed one-sided condemnation of populism, which was reflected in his debate with the orthodox Marxist Stuart Luvi. Lenin also distinguished the radical, anti-feudal and democratic thoughts of early populist movements and writers, and the right-wing tendency of the main representatives who opposed the development of capitalism, such as Mi Heyrovsk, Jaroslav, in the later period. Lenin wrote: "It can be seen that it is fundamentally wrong to overthrow all the programs of populists without analysis. Its reactionary aspect should be strictly distinguished from its progressive aspect "(Complete Works of Lenin, 2nd edition, vol./kloc-0, p. 462). First of all, Russian populism is essentially a "ideological system of Russian peasant democracy", or peasant democracy. Russian populism is a social and political trend of thought that occurred in Russia from 1940s to 1950s to the first 20 years of last century. Its essential attribute is a kind of "ideological system (concept embodiment) of Russian peasant democracy", or peasant democracy, and it is an ally of proletarian socialism in the revolution. The ideological and theoretical system of Russian populism is based on the theory of "Russian Socialism" founded by its founder, herzen, developed by another founder, Chernyshevski, and enriched by thinkers of major factions in different periods. Its main ideological characteristics are as follows:
1. Advocate and believe in "people" (mainly farmers and poor laborers) and idealize "people". What all populists have in common is to believe in and admire the people and idealize them. Bakunin said: Russian farmers are "born socialists"; Tkachev asserted that according to instinct and tradition, people are communists. It can be seen that the populists' admiration and belief in the "people" is extremely idealistic.
2. Idealized rural commune, trying to develop farmers' "inherent" socialist spirit by retaining rural commune. Populists' ideas about rural commune (or peasant village society) are also related to their belief in "people". Populism does not look forward to the future of socialism from the highly developed economic form of capitalism, but explores the future of socialism from the traditions of ancient village communities in the past, and regards it as the "foundation" and starting point for Russia to lead to socialism. Here, the essence of populist utopian socialism is revealed.
3. Through Russia's unique commune road, bypassing capitalist society, "direct transition" to socialism. This theoretical feature is the core of the populist social and political program. There are rural communes in Russia, and it is not only based on this idea that rural communes are regarded as the natural soil of socialism. Of course, this concept is the most important starting point and ideological basis of populism. In addition, this feature of populism also has an important ideological root, that is, aversion to the bourgeoisie and fear of capitalism. The "direct transition" thought of populism is also the deepest ideological source of its "super-stage" revolutionary radicalism and its contempt for democratic revolution and disregard for democratic values.
4. They despise general culture and tend to evaluate culture with nihilism and treat science and culture with moralism and extreme utilitarianism. In the eyes of populists, intellectuals obtain culture by people's support, and the people have paid blood, sweat and suffering for them to obtain culture; In this way, these people who have mastered culture are weighed down with a heavy sense of guilt. So in the eyes of populists, culture itself seems to be attached to exploitation and evil. Therefore, populist thoughts often take a contemptuous or even hostile attitude towards cultural newspapers.
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