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Looking at the revitalization of Korean films from the perspective of industrial characteristics

The social background of the revitalization of Korean films

Economic field, South Korea After accepting the capitalist economic system, the economy has developed rapidly since the 1960s. After the Asian financial crisis in 1997, the Kim Dae-jung government adopted a series of pragmatic countermeasures, which not only quickly emerged from the shadow of the financial crisis, but also created a new situation in economic development. South Korea successfully transformed from an agricultural country into a modern country and created the so-called "Miracle on the Han River." Modernization is closely linked to economic development phenomena such as urbanization, industrialization, popularization of education, specialization of occupational division of labor, and development of communications, and is linked to specific social and political changes. During this process, South Korean cities have developed significantly, with the urbanization rate increasing from 21.4% in 1950 to 81.3% in 1995.

In the political field, South Korea entered a period of political thaw in the 1980s. The Gwangju incident in 1980 and the democratic movement in 1986 (note: two popular democratic movements launched by college students as the core to protest against the military autocratic regime, once It received responses from all walks of life in South Korea, but was eventually brutally suppressed by the military government. The former was also known as the Gwangju Civil War, and the latter was also known as the June Protest, which made the South Korean dictatorship notorious. In 1988, the transition to a democratic regime was achieved through a referendum; in 1993, a civilian government came to power; and then in 1998, there was an epoch-making "transition of government by the opposition party" in Korean political history (Note: Kim Dae-hyun on December 18, 1997 China's victory in the presidential election marked the first "regime change" since the founding of South Korea, the first time that an opposition party became the ruling party, and the first time that a minority party defeated the majority party). The political instability that had long been debated in Korean society began to disappear in the 1990s, and the entire society slowly entered the development process of democratization and diversification.

Changes in the political and economic landscape have not only led to changes in family structure, but also caused changes in the entire social lifestyle. The middle class has formed and expanded steadily, and the proportion of cultural consumption in consumer spending has gradually increased. The opening of cable TV, the expansion of the video market, and the prospects of satellite TV, on the one hand, compete for movie audiences, and on the other hand, they cultivate audiences by broadcasting high-quality movie programs. Moreover, they are all imaging industries with movies as the core, which makes the government and big companies began to pay attention to the value of the film market.

Popular culture became popular. Pop music bands, etc. have become popular, the consumer group is getting younger, product packaging requirements have increased, and the consumer demand for popular idols has increased.

In the process of changes in modern Korean society, the youth group occupies a very important position. They are the main force of economic modernization and the driving force of historical change in terms of social consciousness. As of 1995 statistics, the population of adolescents aged 14-24 was slightly more than 9 million, accounting for 20.2% of the total population. The South Korean government's global political strategy and economic strategy that promotes international competitiveness have led to the general belief in the entire society that South Korea's future destiny lies in "being able to travel around the world with a backpack, knowing computers, being able to use advanced communication equipment, being calm in dealing with changes, and having strong perseverance" , the "new generation" that advocates equality between men and women. (Note: Kim Jin-wook (South Korea): "Korean Films from the 1980s to the 1990s", Beijing Film Academy Master's Thesis, page 27.) Especially college students (accounting for about 54.5% of the total youth population) (Note: Kimizuka University (Japan), Wu Luping (Chinese), Kim Cheol-soo (South Korea): "Convergence and Conflict of Social Values ??in East Asia", China Social Sciences Literature Press, 2001, page 44), they were in the economic boom of the 1980s. Growing up in the environment, we had the opportunity to enjoy the economic prosperity and political stability that followed the 1988 Olympic Games. They will become the main consumers of Korean movies.

In the social background that has led to the revitalization and prosperity of Korean films, one factor must be pointed out: the strong patriotism and rare national cohesion of the Korean people. The miracle of Korean movie box office is inseparable from Korean audiences’ irrational love for local movies and their swarming participation behavior. For many films, such as "The Spy Who Lives and Dies" and "Second Life", the media is not allowed to criticize them. Ordinary people will be considered "not patriotic enough" if they don't watch them.

When the government relaxed the "film import quota system", filmmakers immediately demonstrated, and the Korean mass media gave them the greatest support. As a result, the government was forced to make compromises with the filmmakers and the people.

The author believes that there are many reasons for this national trait: 1. Historically, South Korea has been a single-ethnic country and has no history of national integration like China and the United States; they believe that their bloodline The purest, cleanest, and the most common slogan in Korea is "the body and the soil are not dual" (Note: "the body and the soil are not dual" is a relatively broad concept. The author sorted out the following two meanings based on the information I read: First, It is a symbol of love for the nation and a complex emotion of attachment and awe for the land where one was born and raised. This is reflected in the micro-economic field. Most of the goods produced in South Korea are printed with "the body and the soil are the same", especially agricultural and sideline products. In this way, its meaning is similar to China's "promoting domestic products". Secondly, it extends from the harmonious relationship between man and land (nature) to a national cultural spirit, which is in line with our country's "unity of nature and man." "There are similarities. "Body and soil" is not only a Korean tradition, but also the specific content of the "New Life Movement" initiated by the government since the 1970s, which contains the meaning of urban nationalization and rural modernization.); 2. The humiliating history of occupation and division in the 20th century has given modern Koreans a strong sense of independence and national self-esteem; 3. Geographical living environment - as Kim Dae-jung said, South Korea is occupied by the four major powers of the United States, Japan, China and Russia. Surrounded by China, it is a small country with many mountains and little land and scarce resources (Note: Li Lixu: "Korean Revelations - Records of Korean Economic Crisis", Enterprise Management Press, 1998, pp. 385-386.); 4. In the economic field The self-confidence given by the "Miracle on the Han River"; 5. The influence of Korean Confucian tradition (Note: In the Chinese Confucian tradition, there is a saying that distinguishes "Hua Yi" based on the presence or absence of morality. Korean Confucianism has inherited this view, Even at certain historical stages, China, which was contaminated by the West, was regarded as a barbarian.

Understanding this national trait, or national cultural and psychological phenomenon, is very necessary to explain certain Korean film phenomena. This national cultural trait is not a film revitalization phenomenon that began in the 1990s, but has always been present in Korean national culture, including Korean movies.

"It can be seen from the situation after the middle of the 20th century: In the crisis of the Korean War, the issue of survival became an absolute issue. From the 1960s to the 1970s, the state became the dominant production subject to' National culture formed the center of 'nationalist ideology'. Accordingly, South Korea's modernization meant 'development under dictatorship', and then came the dominance of 'political issues' until the 1970s and 1980s. The phenomenon of sexual speech. In other words, after the 1960s, culture was mainly consumed in terms of 'concepts' without ensuring its popularity.

"From this point of view, it should be said that Korean culture. The conditions for production and consumption as 'mass consumer goods' start from the late 1980s to the 1990s. After democratization has achieved a certain level of success, the influence of ‘political speech’ has declined, and people have some leisure and a ‘sense of confidence’ to talk about ‘culture’. The rapid progress of internationalization has also become a kind of pressure, so the setting of the relationship between oneself and others has become increasingly important. "(Note: Quan Shuren: "The Production and Consumption of Popular Korean Cultural Theory", "Contemporary Korea" Spring 2000 Issue, China Social Sciences Literature Press 2000, page 61.)

Seoul In the article "The Production and Consumption of Popular Korean Cultural Theory", Professor Quan Shuren of the University's Institute of Comparative Culture discusses the reasons for the lack of "Korean cultural theory" as a study of popular culture. The author uses this passage to explain: Korean movies. The conditions for production and consumption of "mass consumer goods" started from the late 1980s to the 1990s.

The emergence of the revitalization phenomenon of Korean films lies in politics, economy, culture, etc. The maturity of the external environment and the reasonable creation of internal production, distribution, and screening links in the film industry—among them, the conscious promotion and development of genre films by filmmakers is an extremely important aspect.

The intervention of capital has changed the pattern of the Korean film industry

Film funds have traditionally come from two major sources, but in the 1990s, production investment has undergone two major changes, which have greatly affected the film industry and film forms. .

1. Industrial background

From the 1950s to the early 1990s, the Korean film industry was basically dominated by the American Hollywood film consumer market. In 1986, the Korean film market was opened to the import of foreign films, and it quickly became the second largest market in Asia after Japan, with more than 400 films released in a year. Among them, 100 films are local films and 300 are imported films. Among them, entertainment films from Hollywood and Hong Kong alone account for more than 70% (Note: Quan Yangjun (Korea): "Korea: Film Industry, Aesthetics, New Trends", translated by Li Lianying, "Aspects of New Asian Cinema", edited by Jiao Xiongping, Taiwan Yuanliu Publishing Co., 1991, page 101). In the 1980s, major Korean film companies shifted their profits from investing in local films to importing Hollywood films. Although the government has established a "movie screening quota system," Hollywood has taken advantage of the U.S.-South Korea trade negotiations to force the South Korean government to adopt liberalized film policies. American film companies do not have to go through the Korean film companies, which have a monopoly on imports, to enter the Korean market.

Chungmuro ??(Note: Chungmuro ??is a place name in the center of Seoul. Since the beginning of Korean movies in the 1920s, major film production companies and major cinemas have concentrated here. It is the cradle of Korean movies. It was also synonymous with Korean film producers before the mid-1990s) and has been the main concentration of Korean film production companies since the 1920s. For more than half a century, they have used small and medium-sized capital to fight against Hollywood movies and barely maintain production. The two main sources of film funding are advances from local distributors and video royalties. The "film liberalization" policy in the late 1980s broke the monopoly of local films by 20 film companies. At one time, a hundred film companies were established. They were lively and colorful and competed freely. However, they were small in scale, had no order, and were basically powerless. Return to heaven.

South Korea’s film culture is also deeply influenced by the Hollywood film model. Commercial films produced under the production model of Chungmuro ??Film Street mostly use Hollywood narrative strategies to adhere to Confucianism, on the one hand to please the audience, and on the other hand not to violate the strict film censorship system. The genres are basically popular melodramas, costume historical dramas, B-level action films and soft porn films.

2. Large companies are involved in the film industry

The chaebol system is a major feature of South Korea’s economic development. With the support of the South Korean government, large companies such as Hyundai and Daewoo have exerted great influence on the South Korean economy. has played a very important role in its rapid development. The government also supports their expansion of cultural undertakings. In the early 1990s, there was a unique high-grossing movie every year. In 1991 it was "My Love, My Bride" directed by Lee Myung-se, in 1992 it was "Marriage Story" directed by Kim Eui-seok, and in 1993 it was "My Love, My Bride" which created 100 movies. "The Story of the West" with 10,000 viewers. These three box office myths created by new directors have given big companies confidence. They believe that as long as they invest in movies in the right way, they can make a profit.

South Korean conglomerates have invested in the film industry. They first bought out the copyright, and then got involved in the operation, production, circulation, distribution and other related aspects of the theater. The steps of participation were relatively orderly. For example, Samsung, Daewoo, and Sun Kyungdu started from the marketing of video tapes and mastered the video tape copyrights of most major foreign film companies in a relatively short period of time. In the production field, they first participated by purchasing the video tape copyrights of Korean movies.

Large companies are busy building new theaters or leasing existing theaters to welcome the multimedia era. Large companies such as Samsung, Daewoo, Sunkyung and Bisan have purchased major cinemas in big cities or built new multiplex cinemas to form chain projection systems. Take 1997 as an example. Hyundai Group, which had just established its film business company, rented five movie theaters in Seoul's Mingbao Theater.

Some large companies have entered the film industry by joining forces with foreign film companies. CheilJedang invested US$300 million in DreamWorks in the United States to obtain the Asian copyrights for its films; it also cooperated with Hong Kong's Golden Harvest Film Company to establish JACOM Film Production Company in South Korea.

The intervention of big companies is undoubtedly a timely help for new directors and independent producers who only have good ideas but not enough funds. The previous convention of "seniority and seniority" in the Chungmuro ??production system was broken. New directors who had graduated from film schools or returned from studying abroad were given the opportunity to show off their talents. Assistant directors and commercial directors who were not recognized for their talents also had the opportunity. Unexpected opportunities.

Lee Kwang Hoon directed "Doctor Feng" - the domestic film with the highest box office in 1995; Lee Min Yong directed "Hot Afternoon" - a feminist film with a unique style.

Between 1994 and 1996, investment by large companies in the film industry flourished, completely activating the film market (and laying hidden dangers for future instability). The film production system rapidly differentiated, and four different film production systems emerged: the original Chungmuro ??production method, the independent producer system, the direct production method of large companies, and independent films. Many young directors and producers have broken away from the Chungmuro ??production system and established independent producer systems centered on directors, such as Park Kwang-soo Productions, Planning Times, Jang Woo-seok Productions and other companies.

Big companies like movies with high box office value and focus on catering to the interests of the younger generation of audiences. They not only invest money in such movies, but also create good soil for the production of new movies that focus on creativity. Independent producers were able to put down roots. They have not only produced relatively high-investment commercial films, but also promoted independent low-cost films to move into the commercial field. In the past three years, the look of movies has been completely new, including the big-budget, high-box-office action comedy "Two Cops" (I and II Kang Woo-seok), the romantic comedy "Feng Dafu" (Lee Kwang-hoon), and the famous stunt-making film "Two Cops". Ginkgo Wooden Bed" (Kang Ji-gyu), the science fiction film "Hibiscus Blooms", and also low-cost films "Time Lasts" (Kim Young-soo), which received double box office reviews, "The Day a Pig Fell into the Well" (Hong Sang-soo), "Crocodile" (Kim Ki-duk), "Terrorist" (Kim Young-bin), "Thousand Years of Love", art films such as "Black Earth, White People" (Bae Yong-kyun), "Petals" (Jang Sun-woo), women's films such as "Like a Rhino" "Walking Alone" (Wu Byung-cheol), "Hot Afternoon" (Lee Min-yong), "Mom Has a Boyfriend" (Kim Dong-bin). The most important consequence of the entry of large companies is that it directly contributed to the formation of the Korean producer system.

3. Venture capital enters the film industry

After the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis in 1997, large companies were unable to protect themselves, and their investment in films decreased rapidly. Many large companies withdrew from the film industry. The only exception was Samsung, which invested in six films in 1998 and achieved considerable success.

After the financial crisis, the status of chaebol groups in the national economy gradually declined, and the government actively supported small and medium-sized enterprises. Especially under the guidance of the policy of venture capital investment in small and medium-sized enterprises, small and medium-sized enterprises gradually began to replace the dominant position of chaebol groups in the national economy. Venture capital small and medium-sized enterprises characterized by high-tech intensity have injected new vitality into South Korea's previously bloated and rigid industrial structure

In November 1997, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry announced that the film industry and related industries are venture capital industries . This means that it is easier for movies to finance and they can enjoy preferential treatment such as tax exemptions. Venture capital firms quickly filled the void left by large corporate divestments. They brought new investment concepts, while guiding independent production companies to produce films with more focused themes and strengthening marketing concepts. The film market became increasingly professional.

Rixin Venture Capital is the most well-known investment company on Zhongwu Road. It not only invests but also acts as an investment manager. Its income distribution ratio is quite favorable: 5:5, while the average ratio of large companies is 6:4. From 1996 to 1998 alone, the films they invested in include "Ginkgo Bed", "Online", "Hallelujah", "Christmas in August", "Quiet Family" and "The Exorcism".

The impact of film policy and film culture on films

1. Film policy

Film censorship system

The Korean film censorship system was formed in Japanese occupation period in the 1920s. The strict censorship system in the 1980s and 1990s seriously hindered the healthy development of movies. On October 4, 1996, the court declared that the review by the Film Exhibition Ethics Committee was unconstitutional. This ended more than 70 years of film censorship and raised a new pressing issue: establishing a class classification system. In 1998, the differences between the younger generation and conservatives grew larger over the new film law (the "Film Promotion Law" enacted in 1994). The focus of the issue was the establishment of special theaters for extra-class films and the Film Promotion Committee.

For Korean movies, the current classification system provides a broader space for themes and expressions. The "Two Cops" series exposed the illegal activities of the police, "Beautiful Young Jeon Tae-il" criticized the military dictatorship system in the 1970s, and "Petals" revealed the "Gwangju Incident" in the 1980s when the masses were suppressed.

In 1999, two films, "Yellow Hair" and "Lie" (Zhang Xianyu), were banned due to explicit scenes, causing widespread controversy. However, after the film barely passed the censorship after modifications, it became a huge success in the market.

Movie Exhibition Quota System

Park Chung-hee’s military government began to implement a quota system in 1966. The original intention was to filter out certain Western influences. However, in the following years, it But it has become a safety net to protect national films - the government has legislated that each cinema should screen domestic films for at least 146 days a year (the specific number of days will change later). This is the so-called "Screen Quarter System", this article Translated as "movie screening quota system".

Since the mid-1990s, there have been arguments in South Korea that advocate reducing or even abolishing the film screening quota system. On December 2, 1998, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade of South Korea proposed to reduce the 106-day limit to 92 days starting from 2002 with reference to the bilateral investment agreement with the United States. The film industry is worried that if this proposal is passed, the flood of commercial blockbusters from Hollywood will gradually swamp local films. This led to a large-scale demonstration in the film industry initiated by well-known directors and stars. In June 1999, the film industry held two more demonstrations. The South Korean government was forced to make concessions and tentatively decided to maintain the quota system until local films accounted for 40% of the market share.

Although the quota screening system has harmed the interests of the Korean film industry to a certain extent - the number of film screenings in South Korea dropped from 640 in 1993 to 502 in 1997, and the production volume dropped from 63 in 1993 to 59 in 1997. However, as a special cultural product with strong ideological and national characteristics, movies should be independent of free trade agreements. It seems that a consensus has been reached in countries other than the United States.

Economic Policy Regulation

In order to revitalize national films, the Korean government initiated policy regulation at least three times in the 1990s. In the early 1990s, a film revitalization policy with tax exemptions was formulated to encourage large consortiums to enter the film industry. A mortgage copyright financing system was implemented after 1997. For example, in 1998, the state-owned Film Promotion Corporation provided mortgage copyright financing for 10 movies, providing 3 billion won. Among these 10 films is "The Legend of Chunhyang", which Lim Kwon Taek participated in the Cannes Film Festival. The third measure, equally important, was to include the film industry as a venture capital industry in 1997.

2. Popularization of film culture

As mentioned above, the dual impact of popular culture and other entertainment media on films in the first half of the 1990s was briefly mentioned. Popular music, TV dramas and other popular culture are increasingly prosperous, the general cultural quality of the audience has improved, the star system has been initially established, etc. After all, the aspect of calling and supporting movies is greater than the aspect of robbing movie audiences. Since 1995, Korean film culture has ushered in a period of vitality. Taking the opportunity to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the birth of film, the enthusiasm that has been rising since the 1990s finally exploded.

Seven foreign art films were screened at the Grand Bell Awards Film Festival in March 1995. In November of the same year, the film production company "Baitou Dagan" established a professional art film hall, screening the former Soviet film "Sacrifice", the Iranian film "Where is My Friend's Home", "Lover Under the Olive Tree" and other world-class films Art film. "Sacrifice" alone attracted more than 20,000 viewers in one month. Film distributors began to pay attention to the commercialization possibilities of "art films". This year, three films including Wong Kar-wai's "Ashes of Time" were released in South Korea, with each film attracting more than 100,000 viewers. Starting from the same period, classic films in film history entered millions of households through cable television. With the help of these active market guidance and developments, audiences who were previously only familiar with Hollywood and Hong Kong commercial films began to change their impressions and understanding of movies.

The mass media began to actively report film news and introduce film knowledge. In this year, the monthly film magazine "KINO" and the film weekly "CINE21" were founded. They introduced the latest news in the Korean and international film industry to the Korean people in an elegant and popular way. "KINO" has now become the most authoritative film magazine in South Korea.

The film craze that started in South Korea after the mid-1990s has evolved into a film culture craze. Korean universities have successively opened more than 40 film-related majors. Film lectures at the university are packed with students from different majors.

The National Academy of Arts in Korea established a film school and purchased complete film production equipment.

Film Festival

In a short period of time, South Korea also held two large-scale film festivals, Busan and Bucheon, as well as dozens of small film festivals. Among them, the Busan Film Festival has been held for 6 times so far, becoming one of the most important international film festivals in Asia. The Busan International Film Festival was founded in 1996. It was proposed by the film departments of Busan Art School and Chung-Ang University II, and was established with the support of the Busan film industry and the Busan City Government. The first Busan International Film Festival in October 1996 achieved good results with 184,000 viewers. (Note: Kim Dong-ho (Korean): "The Backing of the Development of Asian Films - A Note on the Busan International Film Festival", (Korean) "Korea" Magazine Spring 2000 Issue, Chinese Edition, Page 24.)

Among many film festivals in Asian countries, the Busan Film Festival’s unique strategy deserves attention. The first is that it was originally positioned as a "non-competitive film festival", avoiding unnecessary competition with other film festivals (such as international first-class film festivals and the Tokyo International Film Festival at the same time), and focusing on Asia's Film booths and the role of screening the best international films. The second is the two special programs it has launched. "New Wave Films" and its support system: select the first and second films of new Asian directors to be screened, promote them to the international stage, and provide a $30,000 subsidy to distributors to ensure the distribution and screening of these films in South Korea; Busan Revitalization Plan (PPP plan, started at the 3rd Busan Film Festival in 1998): Create cooperation opportunities for Asian directors with film production plans and world-class distribution companies, producers, and sponsors, and promote cooperative investment or investment *Co-produce or sponsor the post-production of the film. Directors such as Chen Guo from Hong Kong, Lin Zhengsheng from Taiwan, Makoto Shinozaki from Japan, Jia Zhangke, Zhang Yuan and Wang Xiaoshuai from mainland China have all benefited from the PPP plan. The Busan Film Festival has made a tangible contribution to the growth of new Asian film talents.

The Busan Film Festival not only provides production opportunities for Korean films and Asian art films, expanding the film market, but also communicates with many international film festivals, allowing Korean films to enter international exhibition stands in large numbers. In 1999 alone, 80 Korean films were exhibited 150 times in 73 countries and regions, including the Cannes Film Festival and the Berlin Film Festival. In addition, the Busan Film Festival itself has generated considerable economic benefits and provided an important opportunity for the development of the Busan film and television industry. The Busan City Government selected the film and television industry as a strategic industry and established the Busan Film Commission, which promoted the construction of the Busan Documentary Film Center and several multi-functional cinemas. It also successively prepared for the construction of a film and television information city, a theme park, and an animation center. It also conducted various projects related to Busan. Film administrative and financial support. (Note: Kim Dong-ho (Korea): "The Backing of the Development of Asian Films - A Note on the Busan International Film Festival", (Korea) "Korea" Magazine Spring 2000 Issue, Chinese Edition, Page 29.) This includes Busan "Friends" as the background of the film.

In general, the most fundamental role of the film festival is that it becomes an "event" in Korean popular cultural life. Together with mass media such as newspapers, television, and pop music, they formed the ideological background for the occurrence and development of the Korean film revitalization phenomenon.

3. The prosperity of documentaries and short films

The development of short films and documentaries was an unusually important phenomenon in the Korean film industry in the 1990s. As of 1999, South Korea produced more than 300 short feature films annually, which were released through various domestic and foreign film festivals.

Documentary

In the 1980s, a group of film groups originated from university campuses appeared in South Korea. They advertised themselves as "independent" and "progressive" and opposed both official and commercial films as well as experiments. film and auteur cinema, but tried to unite with progressive cultural groups and the working class to shoot documentaries and replace commercial film distribution with the circulation of videotapes.

In the politically turbulent late 1980s, with the support of political activist groups, progressive trade unions, student unions and other mass groups, they produced a number of films that reflected the contradictions in Korean society. "Film Production" (established in 1987) and "Labourer Production Group" (established in 1989) are the two most important underground film groups. "Utopia" (16mm, 110 minutes) shot by the former was the first to deal with the Gwangju Incident in a feature film; "On the Eve of Strike" (16mm, 100 minutes) in 1990 was a feature film that faithfully portrayed the labor movement. , becoming a milestone in independent film.

Due to the government ban, the film was screened on campus and in trade union halls, and the police even deployed helicopters to drop tear gas to disperse the audience. The "Labor Production Group" is a breakthrough in progressive documentaries. They have produced more than ten episodes of "News Movies" of one hour each, focusing on the latest topics of the Korean labor movement. In fact, these film groups established independent distribution channels for campus and factory screenings and video tape circulation.

If the content of independent films in the 1980s focused on the labor movement, their political orientation was strongly anti-government, and their value orientation was biased toward collective values, homogeneous space, and individual and daily space. The independent films that began in the 1990s are far more diverse and complex, trying to reflect the rich social life in a variety of ways.

In terms of documentaries, Byun Young-joo's "The Trio" (1994-1999) used the testimonies of women who became comfort women for the Japanese army during World War II to expose issues of sexual violence and militarism; Lee Kyung-soon's "Dandelion" ( 1999) expresses the grief and courage of a father who lost his beloved son in the struggle for democratization; Hong Hyung-sook's "Real Name Declaration" (1998) describes the wandering experience of a Korean expatriate in Japan; Park Ki-bok's "Leave Us Alone" (1999) Using runaway teenagers and domestic violence as the material, it depicts the marginalized strata of society that are indifferent to both the system and anti-system forces. These documentaries generally no longer use narration or interviews to guide the audience, but instead use objective records to try to restore life itself.

Director Kim Dong-won has been tracking the housing rights issues of demolished households in urban development zones since the late 1980s, and has produced "Sanggye-dong Olympics" (1988), "People of Hyungdang-dong" (1995) and "Another World" (1999) trilogy. "Another World" films the lives of the demolished households after they have obtained the right to live in the development zone. The focus of attention shifts from the ideology of privilege to the politics of daily life. The core issue it focuses on is the relationship between people in modern society. understanding and communication. The author believes that without understanding this information, it is impossible to fully understand the revitalization phenomenon of Korean films, and it is impossible to interpret Korean genre films in detail, such as the auteur gangster films "Green Fish" and "Pulse".

Short films

The boom of short films was another important film phenomenon in the 1990s. In the 1980s, the average annual output did not exceed 50, but in the 1990s it reached more than 300 (Note: Nam In-young (South Korea): "Aesthetics of Differentials, Politics of Daily Life - A Review of Korean Short Films and Documentaries in the 1990s", (Korean) "Korea" magazine Spring 2000 issue, Chinese version, pp. 30-35), most of which are from film students and amateur film enthusiasts. The Seoul Short Film Festival, funded by Samsung in the early 1990s, was not only a grand event for short films, but also a place for commercial film companies to discover new talents. (In April 2002, Samsung funded the DV Short Film Festival in Beijing.) In the late 1990s, the number of Korean short film festivals increased, including the Independent Film Forum, the Independent Short Film Festival, the Busan Asian Short Film Festival, etc. Many Korean short films also participated in the exhibition It has achieved good results in a large number of international short film festivals such as Cannes.

South Korea’s documentaries and short films in the 1990s have three levels of importance: 1. Provide new film talents and activate the film atmosphere for the mainstream film industry, which to a certain extent directly gave birth to the revitalization of Korean films and stimulated Its development; 2. Effectively make up for the areas that commercial films dare not venture into in terms of subject matter and performance, complement each other with mainstream commercial films, and become a catalyst for new film aesthetics; 3. Keep the film industry, social culture, and art consistent A good interactive relationship, balancing the triple functions of film as an industry, art and ideology, is one of the underlying reasons for the healthy development of Korean films.

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